Ukraine’s Story (Part 5): The Russian Imperial Era

Intro

‘Welcome to the fourth episode of ‘Ukraine’s Story,’ a part of The History Buff series dedicated to unravelling Ukraine’s rich history. In our last instalment, we delved into the era of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, concluding with the significant event of the third partition of Poland in 1795, marking the end of the Commonwealth’s existence. Today, we transition to the subsequent chapter of Ukraine’s national narrative as it becomes a part of the Russian Empire. We will explore the internal and external factors shaping Ukraine’s destiny, including the dissolution of the Hetmanate and the absorption of Ukrainian lands into the Russian Empire. Additionally, we will examine the fate of Ukraine’s western lands after the collapse of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and chart the subsequent historical trajectory.’

The beginning of the elimination of Ukrainian statehood by the Muscovy

‘Despite the fact that we ended the previous episode with the third partition of Poland in 1795, we must first go back almost over a century before in order to course a chain of events that would shake Ukraine to its core. In the second half of the 17th century, Ukraine underwent significant upheaval in a period known as the Ruin, which saw continual strife, civil war and interventions by neighbours of Ukraine: namely the Tsardom of Russia (also known as Muscovy), the Ottoman Empire and the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. At the end of the Ruin in the mid 1680s, the Cossacks found themselves partitioned mostly between Poland to the west (or right-bank) of the Dnipro and Russia to the east (or left-bank), and became no more so than puppets in their hands. Being dependent on one side or the other, the Cossacks were used for each occupying state’s own military interests and to protect themselves from attacks by the Ottoman Empire and the Crimean Khanate, which continued to bleed the southern lands of Ukraine. As soon as the activities of Cossack leaders ceased to satisfy the political elite, they were immediately removed, and new ones were put in their place, but with more limited rights. Thus, Ivan Mazepa was elected Hetman on 4 August 1687, on the Kolomak River to replace Hetman Samoilovych. His election was enshrined in the so-called Kolomak Treaty, which provided for virtually complete dependence on the Russian tsar. In more detail, the hetman had no right to other diplomatic relations without the permission of the tsar in Moscow, Russian troops then strengthened their control and presence on the left bank of Ukraine, and Russian-Ukrainian marriages were encouraged to assimilate the culture and people. This treaty was actually aimed at eliminating Ukrainian statehood, absorbing Ukrainian lands into the Russian Tsardom, and the gradual but steady integration of the Ukrainian people into the Russian population.

‘The newly elected Hetman Ivan Mazepa had no choice, as Ukraine was exhausted from the decades of constant military conflicts and operations from the Ruin that seemingly never ended. Mazepa saw Muscovy as a tool that would help him win back the right-bank Ukraine from Poland, as well as the southern lands that suffered from attacks by the Crimean Khanate and the Ottoman Empire. But it was he and his army that turned out to be the tool. The second Crimean campaign of 1689, in which Moscow’s army and Cossacks took part, ended in Muscovy’s defeat and had harmful consequences for Ukraine. The population was outraged and exhausted by constant wars, the presence of a foreign army on their lands, and large economic and human losses (during the first 12 years of Mazepa’s hetmanship, 11 summer and 12 winter campaigns were conducted with the Moscow army). Opposition subsequently grew against the hetman, which he suppressed by force.

‘In order to stop the wave of discontent that was increasingly becoming unsustainable, Ivan Mazepa decided to rely on Cossack elders, who in fact had become the elite of the Zaporizhzhian army. They were granted privileges, and later plots of land. The hetman also introduced certain restrictions on the system of rent and taxes, and introduced two-day serfdom for peasants (which was forced agricultural and later physical labour for private wealthy households). However, the hetman should not be viewed as a person who wanted to destroy his people on the orders of Muscovy. Despite all the hardships, Ivan Mazepa was an intelligent man, and he contributed to the development of education and culture. He allocated funds for the restoration and construction of churches and monasteries, helped to build a new floor of the Kyiv-Mohyla Academy, achieved its legalisation in 1701, and actively opened schools and printing houses. He invested heavily in the development of the branch industry, and pursued a coordinated policy of establishing new trade routes and improving the economy. Despite the fact that Mazepa was virtually dependent on the will of Tsar Peter the Great of Moscow, he tried his best to improve the situation of his people. He also saw the need to have a strong army to defend Ukraine, so he attached great importance to the Cossack craft and actively promoted the importance of its rise. His ultimate goal was to unite the Left Bank of Ukraine with the Right Bank and regain control of the southern lands.

‘At this point, we should return to right-bank Ukraine, to the west of the Dnipro River,  which was under Polish control, in order to trace a number of important events. After the liquidation of the Cossack army in 1676, the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth needed protection from Ottoman raids and control over the right-bank lands. From 1684-1685, four territorial Cossack regiments were created. But in 1699, Poland signed a peace treaty with the Ottoman Empire, so the Cossacks were no longer needed. The Cossack regiments were ordered to disband, but the Cossacks refused. In response, Polish troops captured several Cossack towns on the right bank. This led to the outbreak of a wave of uprising led by the authoritative Cossack colonel Semen Paliy.

‘The Paliyivshchyna, as this period of Ukraine’s history is called, lasted from 1702 to 1704. The uprising spread widely across the lands of right-bank Ukraine, so Poland was only able to organise a punitive expedition in 1703. Semen Paliy, looking for a way out, decided to swear allegiance to Mazepa and the Russian Tsar. It should be emphasised that Russia intended to annex the lands of the right bank, but did not dare to do so openly, because it was shackled by the burden of the so-called “Eternal Peace” treaty with the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. On top of this, Muscovy and Poland were active participants in the Great Northern War (the Great Northern War was a war between Sweden and a coalition of states led by Russia for domination in Northern, Central, and Eastern Europe). It was at this time that the Swedish army entered Poland, so the Poles had no choice but to get out of the right bank and send all their forces to help fight the new enemy. Ivan Mazepa took advantage of this and occupied the left bank, thus uniting eastern and western Ukraine.

‘We have returned to the right-bank Ukraine to trace this chain of events that led to the reunification of Ukrainian lands that had been divided by different states. This is a very important point that is easily overlooked, which is why it should be emphasised.  Despite the fact that the main goal of the hetman (the unification of the right and left banks of Ukraine) was fulfilled, Mazepa and the Ukrainian people faced fresh challenges that had to be overcome. The events of the Northern War, which played a significant role in the history of Ukraine, now started to gain momentum.’

Ivan Mazepa’s uprising against Peter I, the Battle of Poltava and its tragic consequences for Ukraine.

‘The left and right banks of Ukraine were reunited again, although the process was very costly for the Ukrainian people. Ukrainian military units suffered more and more losses. By order of the Russian Tsar, up to 20,000 Cossacks were ordered to participate in the Northern War. Between 50 and 70 percent of the Cossack military force remained on the battlefields until its end. This war also led to increased taxes, confiscation of food from the common people, and forced labour, and the flow of trade virtually stopped. Hetman Mazepa understood that regardless of whose side won the Northern War, it would lead to the disappearance of Ukrainian statehood. Now, the new king of Poland, Stanisław Leszczynski, was elected in 1704 by the side that supported the Swedish king. From that moment on, Russia and Poland became de facto enemies. Ukraine therefore lost its chance for autonomy. Inside Ukraine, the situation was becoming increasingly tense due to waves of discontent caused by exhaustion due to the constant loss of life on the part of the Ukrainian people.

‘Ivan Mazepa decided to free himself from the Russian yoke, seeing it as the death of Ukraine. He had only one way to do so: to reach an agreement with the Swedish side. Thanks to his diplomatic skills, he began secret negotiations and concluded a trilateral treaty (between Ukraine, Sweden and Poland) with the help of the Polish king. In doing so, he hoped to increase Ukraine’s chance of existence.

‘In 1708, King Charles Ⅻ of Sweden launched a campaign against Moscow. He decided to replenish his supplies in Ukraine and to enlist Cossack troops as reinforcements. The Ukrainian hetman considered this development to be premature, as the presence of Swedish troops on the territory of Ukraine would lead to further fighting and devastation of Ukrainian land. But there was nowhere to go, so on 30 October 1708, Mazepa and Charles Ⅻ signed a treaty according to which Ukraine was to be free and independent, and all previously seized lands (lands that belonged to the Russian people, as Ukrainians were called in the times of Kyivan Rus and the Lithuanian-Polish period) were returned to Ukraine. Another clause of the treaty stated that Mazepa would become Prince of Ukraine for life, and the Swedish king would undertake to defend Ukraine.

‘Upon learning of this, Moscow began repressions against the Ukrainian group that supported the hetman, and Ivan Mazepa himself was anathematized, a church curse that had been proclaimed in all Russian churches for more than two centuries at Easter. The hetman’s capital, Baturyn, was also completely destroyed, and all the Sich were ordered to be captured and taken under control. However, the decisive event was yet to come.

‘On 27 June 1709, the Battle of Poltava took place. It was fought by Russian troops and Cossacks with Hetman Skoropadsky, the newly elected Hetman of Moscow. Their total number was about 50 thousand soldiers. They were opposed by 24,000 soldiers of the Swedish crown, Cossack units loyal to Ivan Mazepa, and several thousand Cossacks who remained in the Swedish reserve. The battle began at 5 a.m. with the Swedish infantry attacking the Russian fortifications. Later, the battle gained momentum, with fighting going on everywhere. Due to the death of his horse, Charles Ⅻ fell on the battlefield and fainted. Seeing this, the Swedish side began to retreat. Mazepa had no choice but to leave the battlefield and regroup. The Battle of Poltava ended in a Russian victory and was decisive, even fatal, for the Ukrainian people. Being seriously ill, Ivan Mazepa died in 1710 in Varnitsa, which was in Turkish possession, where the Swedish king had retreated. In his place a new hetman was elected Hetman Pylyp Orlyk, a very significant figure in the history of Ukraine who drafted the first Ukrainian Constitution. In fact, it was a document consisting of 16 articles that defined the foundations of the political system, the organisation of power in the state, and the rights and responsibilities of the hetman and the Cossacks. It was a kind of agreement between the hetman and the Cossacks, who spoke on behalf of the entire Ukrainian people. But the main thing is that this document proclaimed the independence of Ukraine, which was not recognised by any of the great powers, and established a certain judicial, executive, and administrative power, which consisted of Cossack elders. He implemented these rules on the lands of right-bank Ukraine, where he had campaigned in 1711 and 1713 to recapture Ukrainian lands. Also, the grassroots Cossacks and the population of the right-bank Ukraine obeyed the rules of the constitution for some time. It should be understood that the Constitution of Pylyp Orlyk limited the privileges of the hetman and elders and established equal rights for all Cossacks. After all, the legal inequality between privileged and non-privileged Cossacks was often used by Poland and Russia to curb Cossack uprisings by promising the officers their privileges. 

‘In the aftermath of the Battle of Poltava, Ukraine experienced a significant surge in repressive measures between 1708 and 1722. Targeted punitive actions were deployed against those aligned with the hetmanate of Ivan Mazepa, referred to as the Mazepa people. This group faced exile to Siberia, accompanied by the confiscation of their properties, while some of their leaders were executed. The Russian administration, extending its reach beyond military matters, imposed arbitrary and intimidating measures on the civilian population. Notably, steps were taken to curtail the powers of the hetman, essentially rendering the position obsolete. Moreover, a Russian officer assumed control over Ukrainian troops. A comprehensive strategy aimed at undermining Ukraine’s economic and cultural vitality was implemented. The year 1721 marked the official proclamation of the Russian Empire, emerging from the Moscow Kingdom. Despite this transition, repressive actions persisted on Ukrainian lands.

‘Massive oppression by Russia triggered a series of uprisings in both eastern and western Ukraine. From 1734 onward, the “Haydamak movement” gained momentum on the right bank, fueled by resistance to the arbitrary rule of Polish landlords. The term ‘Haydamak’ originates from the Turkish word ‘hayda,’ meaning to drive or expel. The Haidamaks took drastic measures, seizing and demolishing the estates of magnates, and burning their property and stripping them of their titles. Among these movements, the Koliivshchyna stands out as the largest Haidamak uprising, driven by profound social inequality and the suppression of the Orthodox faith by Catholics. Under the leadership of Maksym Zalizniak, the movement grew to the extent that Ukrainian cities were liberated. However, the uprising met its end at the hands of Russian-Polish forces. 

‘This period in Ukrainian history is also intertwined with the Oprishkovian movement, dating back to the 1530s. Operating actively in Galicia, Bukovyna, and Transcarpathia, the Oprishky fought against Polish oppression, employing guerrilla tactics unlike the Haidamaks. The peak of Oprishky activity occurred between 1738 and 1745 under the leadership of Oleksa Dovbush, hailed as the Ukrainian Robin Hood by his contemporaries. Unfortunately, the movement dwindled after Dovbush’s death in 1745. 

‘Turning to western Ukraine, the fate of the region was significantly impacted by the three partitions of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Following the first partition, Galicia and Bukovyna became part of Austria. Subsequent partitions resulted in the incorporation of Right-Bank Ukraine, Western Volhynia, and Belarus into the Russian Empire.’

Russian and Austrian rule in the late 18th and early 19th centuries

‘In the territories controlled by the Russian Empire, the Ukrainian people endured a period of severe oppression. Catherine II actively pursued an anti-Ukrainian policy, and actively promoted the russification of Ukraine, leading to the liquidation of the Hetmanate and the capture and destruction of the Zaporizhzhia Sich under her orders. Many Cossacks were compelled to flee Ukraine, seeking refuge in the Kuban and other regions. The remnants of Cossack units were absorbed into the Russian regular army, later playing a role in the Russian-Turkish wars and the annexation of Crimea into the Russian Empire. The economic and social fabric of Ukraine also suffered; in 1783, Catherine II introduced serfdom, a process that intensified under her successors. Numerous Ukrainians perished as part of Russia’s almost continuous military campaigns. Notably, Napoleon himself aimed to involve Ukraine in the war against the Russian Empire in 1812. This period witnessed a decline and crisis in feudal relations, resulting in the complete enslavement of peasants. However, one should note that this is also when you had the beginnings of the industrial revolution. 

‘Turning to western Ukraine during these years, the situation was comparatively better. Following the annexation of these lands to the Austrian Empire, a series of reforms by Maria Theresa and Joseph II brought about significant changes. These reforms prioritised education, with instruction conducted in Ukrainian since 1774. Barriers to the cultural and educational development of Ukrainians were dismantled. Additionally, efforts were made to reconcile differences between Orthodox and Catholic communities. In 1781, a law granted equal rights to all Christian churches, with the church being subordinated to the state. Personal dependence of peasants was abolished, and serfdom was limited to three days a week. Notably, manifestations of the industrial revolution stimulated trade, city growth, and the emergence of new social class, such as entrepreneurs. This transformative process unfolded across Ukraine.’

Ukrainian culture in the 18th and 19th centuries

‘The first half of the 18th century marked a tumultuous era for the Ukrainian people, characterised by prolonged wars and repression. While some progress in culture and education occurred in the western lands, notable developments emerged. In 1776, Lviv witnessed the publication of Ukraine’s first newspaper, the Lvivska Gazeta. Despite this, the primary printing house in Ukraine remained the one at the Kyiv Cave Monastery. The Kyiv-Mohyla Academy, based in Kyiv, played a crucial role, with its graduates contributing to educational institutions in Russia. However, in 1817, the Russian authorities ordered the closure of the academy, accompanied by the shuttering of many Ukrainian schools. Catherine II’s 1763 decree banning teaching in Ukrainian had led to the confiscation of all Ukrainian literature. The suppression extended to a prohibition on printing works by Ukrainian writers, resulting in many manuscripts.

‘In contrast, fields such as philosophy, mathematics, music, sculptural architecture, and painting experienced active development. Kharkiv and Odesa universities, along with St.

Volodymyr’s University in Kyiv, were established, conducting education in Russian.

This policy effectively marginalised the Ukrainian language in urban centres.

The French Revolution, starting in 1793, influenced the growth of Freemasonry,

with reports surviving about Masonic Lodges in Kharkiv, Odesa, and Kyiv. These

Masons held diverse views, some aspiring to liberate Slavic peoples from oppression, forming a pan-Slavic federation under Ukraine’s leadership.

‘Secret societies continued to play a role, exemplified by the Cyril and Methodius Brotherhood, a pinnacle of the early 19th-century Ukrainian national movement. Combining Christian and national ideas, their goal was to reshape society along Christian principles

while advocating for Ukraine’s autonomy and later independence. Taras Shevchenko, born into serfdom in 1814, became a prominent figure in the Brotherhood. An acclaimed writer and artist, Shevchenko’s collection of poems, “Kobzar,” stands as a crucial monument in Ukrainian culture. His reburial on Chernecha Hill in Kaniv, according to his 1845 “Testament,” symbolises his profound impact. The improvement of education resulting from Maria Theresa and Joseph II’s reforms spurred a national revival, leading to increased publication of newspapers and literature in Ukrainian.

‘The Spring of Nations in 1848-1849 played a pivotal role in abolishing serfdom in western Ukraine, a significant factor in shaping Ukrainian national and patriotic identity. In the Russian Empire, serfdom persisted until 1861, when it was abolished by Tsar Alexander II. The period also witnessed the emergence in western Ukraine of theatres performing in Ukrainian, while central and eastern Ukraine favoured Russian. Historical science gained popularity during this time, reflecting the broader intellectual and cultural enlightenment amongst the Ukrainian people.’

Final thoughts

‘In the 18th and 19th centuries, Ukraine found itself entirely dependent on the Russian Empire, Poland, and later, Austria. This period, that we’ve characterised as the Russian imperial era, saw the Ukrainian populace fatigued by incessant wars and enduring social and economic devastation, lacking the strength to champion independence. The dissolution of the Hetmanate and the suppression of insurgent movements left a grim mark on Ukrainian history under Russian rule in central and Eastern Ukraine. Repression, prohibitions, and the imposition of serfdom placed the Ukrainian people under considerable duress, with Russian authorities severely punishing the use of the Ukrainian language, any cultural activities aimed at its restoration, and any expression of national identity. While conditions in Austrian western Ukraine were relatively more favourable for the development of Ukrainian national interests, these lands were also perceived as sources of raw materials and products. During this period, being Ukrainian essentially meant being a living labour force with no rights even to one’s language and culture. This state of affairs persisted until the tragic events of 1914-1918, which would reverberate around the world, changing the course of history forever.’

Outro

‘Thank you very much for listening to this rather long episode, but we had a lot to cover! I would like to thank Rostyslav Pavlyuk for helping me research and write these episodes, despite having to run to his cellar because of air raids on his home in Ukraine. Thank you Rostyslav for all your hard work, and please stay safe. Please join us next time when we delve into the short-lived Ukrainian independence, known as the Ukrainian People’s Republic. Until next time, goodbye!’