Intro
‘Welcome back to The History Buff’s miniseries on Ukraine: Ukraine’s Story, where we trace Ukraine’s rich tapestry of history all the way from its beginnings as the mediaeval Kyivan Rus, all the way up to its present day struggle for survival in the Russo-Ukrainian War. Last time, we talked about Ukraine when it was part of the Russian Empire and touched on the Ukrainian lands in the Austrian Empire. Today, let’s dive into the early 20th century and talk about what was happening in Ukraine. We’ll talk about how Ukraine used the Russian Revolution to seize its chance to become an independent state: the Ukrainian People’s Republic. Unfortunately for Ukraine, as we’ll see, this independence was short-lived.’
Ukraine in the early 20th century
‘The late 19th and early 20th centuries in Ukraine witnessed the culmination of the industrial revolution, marking a shift to industrial production and the growth of machine industries. The prevailing notion was that industrialization should take precedence over agriculture, with an emphasis on heavy industry over light industry.
‘It’s worth noting that these changes occurred in challenging circumstances. The global economic crisis of 1900-1903 had widespread effects, reaching Ukraine, which was then part of the Russian and Austrian empires. This resulted in a certain stagnation in economic development, with a noticeable industrial recovery only beginning in 1909. The crisis led to the closure of over 3,000 small businesses, consolidating industrial production in large factories.
‘During this period, Ukraine held a prominent position as one of the top producers of refined sugar in the Russian Empire. Simultaneously, monopolies emerged, the influence of foreign capital increased, and industrial regions in Ukraine became specialised. It’s crucial to highlight the uneven economic development across different regions. For instance, the southern part of Ukraine swiftly embraced capitalist management, while the left bank, where remnants of serfdom persisted, focused on the agricultural sector, lagging behind other regions.
‘By 1913, Ukrainian industry accounted for 67% of iron and 57% of steel production in the Russian Empire.
‘Regrettably, Ukraine’s agricultural sector did not enjoy similar success. About 80% of Ukrainians lived in villages and grappled with an unfavourable agricultural policy that lagged behind industrial innovation. The situation was further complicated by the commodification of land. The small portion of peasants who received a modest land allotment after the abolition of serfdom (in 1848 in the Austrian Empire and in 1861 in the Russian Empire) found themselves compelled to sell it, as they lacked the means and willingness to cultivate it and meet tax obligations. Similar trends were observed among landlords, contributing to an increase in the number of small and landless Ukrainian peasants to 80%. Social tensions in rural areas were also on the rise.
‘There was a growing movement of agrarian resettlement among Ukrainians, extending to the steppe zone of Ukraine, the Don, Kuban, remote regions of Siberia, and the Far East. The aim of this emigration was to seek employment or develop new, sparsely populated lands. In an effort to normalise the situation, agricultural unions were established to provide support to peasants and their farms. Mykola Levytskyi played a key role in founding these unions, uniting thousands of peasants and intellectuals. This unique development underscored the commitment to preserving the Ukrainian population and elevating its economic status. However, the Russian government viewed these cooperatives as a threat and initiated efforts to counteract them.
‘Nevertheless, agricultural cooperatives were not the sole accomplishments of Ukrainians. It is crucial to highlight the energised Ukrainian national movement. There was a growing organisational coherence of the will for political self-determination among the active segments of society. Notably, Ukrainian parties are emerging with the goal of safeguarding the rights and freedoms of the Ukrainian people. This marked a significant departure for the Ukrainian people, who were increasingly asserting themselves.
‘The newly formed parties were either dedicated to restoring Ukraine’s autonomy from the Russian Empire or were wholeheartedly committed to declaring independence. Autonomist and independent national movements started to gain traction within society. This development stands out as a prominent and crucial factor in Ukraine’s history, indicating the formation of social democracy in Ukrainian society.
‘The first Ukrainian political party was the Revolutionary Ukrainian Party, abbreviated as RUP, established in 1900 by student youth in Kharkiv. Divergent opinions within the RUP led to the formation of two additional parties: the Ukrainian National Party (UNP) in 1902 and the Ukrainian Socialist Party (USP) in 1903. This division solidified the political separation and the identification of extreme right-wing (UNP) and extreme left-wing (USP) elements within the RUP.
‘In 1904, a fourth party, the “Ukrainian Social-Democratic Party,” was founded, later joining the Russian Social-Democratic Party based on autonomy and adopting the name RSDLP. It’s important to note that the majority of members in these parties were educated and intelligent individuals. Those without education, typically from rural areas, were less active in the political landscape at that time. Additionally, the Marxist theory of communism was actively spreading during this period.
‘By 1905, most RUP members leaned towards combining national orientation with Marxism. Consequently, the RUP underwent reorganisation and transformed into the Ukrainian Social-Democratic Workers’ Party, abbreviated as USDRP. Leaders of this party included Volodymyr Vynnychenko and Symon Petliura, who would later play significant roles in Ukraine’s history. Other notable parties included the Ukrainian Democratic Party and the Ukrainian Radical Party, which eventually merged into the Ukrainian Democratic Radical Party (UDRP).
‘In general, the majority of these parties advocated for broad political autonomy for Ukraine. The most radical factions, represented by the RUP and the UNP, favoured Ukraine’s state independence. It’s important to understand that the participants in these party movements struggled to organise themselves and reach a common consensus, often aligning with all-Russian parties. Despite calls for independence or autonomy from Ukrainian intellectuals and politicians, the Russian Empire showed no intention of granting political rights and freedoms or easing its pressure on Ukraine. Tensions were palpable not only in Ukrainian territories but throughout the entire Russian Empire.
‘In 1905, the first democratic revolution erupted in Russia, triggered by a catastrophic war with Japan, delays in resolving the agrarian question, increasing exploitation of the working class, national oppression, and a lack of democratic freedoms. The emerging bourgeois class sought to address state issues in its favour. The influence of political parties empowered the masses to weaken the Tsarist regime, whose authority was already compromised by the defeat in the Russo-Japanese War.
‘Between April and August 1905, Ukraine experienced over 300 labour strikes, including the revolt of the entire crew of the naval battleship Potemkin in Odesa. Subsequently, sailors from 12 ships of the Black Sea Fleet in Sevastopol also rebelled. Mass peasant uprisings and armed worker uprisings further characterised this revolutionary period. The revolution culminated in a manifesto from Tsar Nicholas II on 17 October 1905, promising civil liberties, inviolability, freedom of education, assembly, unions, etc. The proclamation of a Russian parliament, known as the State Duma, was announced, with all segments of the population participating in elections.
‘Ukrainian parties wasted no time and began demanding the restoration of autonomy, the abolition of the ban on their native language and culture, and the publication of Ukrainian literature. Ukrainian political formations actively participated in the first and second State Dumas, advocating for political autonomy, the inclusion of the Ukrainian language in educational institutions, and the transformation of Russia into a legal and democratic state.
‘However, by 1907, Tsar Nicholas II, after repeatedly dissolving the Duma because he didn’t like what the MPs were talking about, introduced a new electoral law that effectively nullified the gains of the revolution and intensified national oppression. The Ukrainian language was once again banned in educational institutions, Ukrainian cultural events faced persecution and brutal suppression, and the Russian government prohibited the organisation of any societies or unions. The use of the terms “Ukraine” and “Ukrainian people” in oral or written form was severely punished and prohibited.
‘Western Ukraine also played a significant role in the national revival. Notably, there was active development in the party movement and the establishment of patriotic sports and physical culture clubs. These clubs aimed to provide patriotic education and physically strengthen Ukrainian youth, similar to the scouting movement in America. Among the most renowned sports and physical education clubs were Sich, Sokol, and Plast.
‘Additionally, the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church emerged as a force for national uplifting and unity in these regions. Andrey Sheptytsky became its most prominent metropolitan, and during his leadership, the church became the most influential among the Ukrainian population of Western Ukraine. His tenure marked a period of heightened cultural and national awareness, contributing to the broader revival of Ukrainian identity in the region.’
Ukraine in the First World War
‘The First World War, spanning from 1914 to 1918, was a global tragedy, with Ukrainian lands becoming focal points of conflict. Both Austria-Hungary and the Russian Empire sought to assert control over substantial portions of Ukrainian territory. Simultaneously, Turkey aimed to seize the Black Sea region and Crimea, adding to the complexity of the situation.
‘Within Ukraine, internal tensions prevailed as political parties struggled to reach a consensus. Some advocated for Ukrainian citizens to align with Russia, while others adopted a neutral stance. There were also those firmly opposed to the war, each envisioning their position as a means to secure broad autonomy or even independence.
‘In western Ukraine, the newly formed Main Ukrainian Rada or GUR party garnered widespread support from Austria-Hungary, anticipating its contribution to the broader struggle for Ukrainian autonomy. On August 6, the Legion of Ukrainian Sich Riflemen was established, primarily comprising members of Ukrainian patriotic groups. This legion pledged allegiance to the Austrian army.
‘The war, while tearing Ukrainians apart on opposing sides of the conflict, witnessed Russian troops capturing a significant portion of western Ukraine within a year. However, their exhaustion and unprepared reserves, coupled with the “scorched earth tactic” used in retreats under Austrian pressure, led to protracted battles until 1917. The famous Brusilov breakthrough by the Russian army in 1917 temporarily altered the dynamics, stabilising the front until the summer of the same year.
‘The aftermath of the First World War brought devastating consequences, with the destruction of hundreds of thousands of households and a staggering 500-600 thousand casualties among the Ukrainian population. Crucially, the war contributed to the collapse of the Austrian and Russian empires, setting the stage for the Ukrainian people’s subsequent desperate seizure for independence.’
The Revolution in Ukraine
‘The February Revolution in 1917, marked the overthrow of the autocracy in Russia, leading to the abdication of Tsar Nicholas II. This revolution was fueled by the dire economic situation, war exhaustion, and the widespread dissemination of Marxist ideas in Russian society. Recognizing the opportune moment, the Ukrainian intelligentsia took action, establishing the Central Rada in 1917 and convening the All-Ukrainian National Congress on 6-8 April. The congress aimed to disseminate the ideas and influence of the Central Rada across Ukraine.
‘Remarkably, the Central Rada swiftly evolved into a powerful national governing body. By 10 June 1917, it adopted the First Universal, proclaiming Ukraine’s autonomy without the consent of the Provisional Government, which governed Russia at the time. Despite the Provisional Government’s opposition to Ukrainian independence, it refrained from using military force. However, the October Revolution on 25 October 1917, brought the Bolsheviks to power, overthrowing the Provisional Government. In response, the Central Rada promptly declared the Ukrainian People’s Republic (UPR) on 7 November 1917, aiming for autonomy from Russia.
The UPR’s jurisdiction covered the nine Ukrainian provinces that had been part of the Russian Empire before First World War. It introduced democratic principles, freedom of speech, abolished land ownership, and recognized land as the property of the people.
‘As the newly established Bolshevik regime sought to extend its influence, attempts were initially made to persuade the UPR to join peacefully. However, after unsuccessful negotiations, the Bolshevik Council of People’s Commissars declared war on the UPR. Bolshevik forces captured Kharkiv first, and in January, they launched an offensive against Kyiv. The Battle of Kruty on 16 January 1918, became a famous yet tragic event in Ukrainian history. To defend the Ukrainian people, 500 volunteers, including students and young individuals, were assembled. Their objective was to stall the Bolshevik advance and provide the UPR with time to assemble an army. Unfortunately, the Battle of Kruty ended in defeat for the Ukrainians, with survivors being executed by Bolshevik troops.
‘This war solidified the UPR’s conviction in the permanent separation of Ukraine from Russia. Consequently, on January 22, independence and the final establishment of the UPR were proclaimed. The Bolshevik offensive on Kyiv, however, compelled the UPR’s ruling elite to retreat to Zhytomyr. The First Soviet-Ukrainian War concluded with the Bolsheviks emerging victorious and establishing their rule in Kyiv.’
Struggle for Independence
‘One of Bolshevik leader Vladimir Lenin’s first priorities when he seized power in Russia in October 1917 was to withdraw from the First World War, which they viewed as an imperialist conflict. They negotiated with Germany the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, which was signed on 3 March 1917, which forced the Bolsheviks to give up about 1.6 million square kilometres of land and compelled the Bolsheviks to withdraw from Kyiv and much of Ukraine. Despite the signing of a treaty recognizing the independence of the Ukrainian People’s Republic, German forces seized control, effectively turning Ukraine into a colony. The Central Rada managed to adopt the UPR Constitution and declare Mykhailo Hrushevsky as president, but this lasted only a day, as a coup during the “All-Ukrainian Agricultural Congress” declared P. Skoropadsky as Hetman of Ukraine. The Central Rada struggled to establish effective governance, and Ukraine was increasingly becoming a German colony. The Central Rada also failed to address internal divisions, agricultural devastation, and the formation of a regular army. The indifferent stance of the Entente, an external factor, further complicated matters.
‘Hetman P. Skoropadsky, supported by Germany, enacted a law on the “Temporary State System of Ukraine.” He achieved certain successes in the agrarian sector, restored private property, initiated currency circulation, and revived joint-stock companies and exchanges. Skoropadsky gradually reinstated railroad traffic and reorganised the army and navy. Despite his accomplishments, opposition emerged in November 1918 due to dissatisfaction with his focus on the wealthy and heavy reliance on German and Austrian occupying forces.
‘The newly formed Directory, which replaced Skoropadsky’s government, aimed to combat the Hetmanate and restore the UPR. However, the Directory lacked a clear and consistent policy, and the absence of a regular army led to the rise of Atamanship. Atamans and their armed groups suppressed protests, uprisings, and strikes, often aligning with the Bolsheviks. Semen Petliura and Nestor Makhno were notable atamans. The Directory faced the simultaneous challenge of confronting the Red Army from the east, the Polish army from the west, and the White Guard army, supported by the Entente, from the south. The Red Army’s advance forced the Directory government to abandon Kyiv.
‘In western Ukraine, following the collapse of the Austrian Empire on November 1, 1918, Ukrainian armed insurgent groups seized Lviv and Eastern Galicia in the November Uprising. On November 18, the Western Ukrainian People’s Republic (or ZUNR) was declared, establishing ties with the Directorate. On January 22, 1919, the act of unification of the UPR and ZUNR was proclaimed, signifying a significant historical event and offering a promising chance for Ukraine’s continued existence.’
Final Thoughts
‘The early 20th century witnessed a notable period of national revival for the Ukrainian people. Political associations emerged for the first time, casting a positive influence on a population already worn by political repression and oppression. The First World War, though tearing Ukrainians apart in a brutal struggle, did not dampen their resilience; instead, various Ukrainian factions persisted in their fight for statehood. Notably, the proclamation of the Ukrainian People’s Republic and the subsequent unification of the west and east, despite facing intricate external and internal challenges, stands as a pivotal event in Ukraine’s history. It vividly illustrates the unwavering commitment of Ukrainian patriots to the cause of independence.’
Outro
‘Thanks very much for joining me today to talk about Ukraine’s first attempt at independence with the Ukrainian People’s Republic. In the next episode, we will talk about how it was all over for the UPR by 1922, and Ukraine once again found itself ensnared in the grip of its intrusive neighbour, when we talk about Ukraine’s Soviet era. That’s all for now, see you next time. Goodbye.’